04-Feb-12
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Get Ready For a World of Connected Devices
Get Ready For a World of Connected Devices
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Anonymous Shows How Easy it is to Intercept FBI Conference Calls
Anonymous Shows How Easy it is to Intercept FBI Conference Calls
Posted from Diigo. The rest of my favorite links are here.
Neil Williams has written an excellent post on the Government Digital Service blog about what constitutes a government policy and how the single gov.uk website (now in beta) should present information about it to citizens.
The post sets out how the gov.uk team is using as a working definition of policy "statements of the government's position, intent or action".
This includes mandatory information on the issue and actions being taken in response to it, plus optional information on the policy background, who is engaged with it, who is being affected by it, the legal framework, partner organisations and related news and publications.
It highlights just how much unpacking the simple word 'policy' seems to require.
Occasionally the government talks in a language that implies there are policies and meta-policies.
The original motivation behind the development of departmental business plans was not so much for Whitehall to achieve something itself, but for it to put in place the frameworks, systems and incentives for others to achieve it.
In which case the 'policies' may become more diffuse, being developed and implemented by a variety of local providers and getting blurred with the day-to-day decisions and delivery, operations and implementation.
Anyway, this post aims to suggest a couple of ways in which the presentation of policy information online could be used to significantly enhance political accountability, in line with my personal definition of eDemocracy.
There are two classes of information, open data and freedom of information releases, which might implicitly be covered by the phrases "statements about actions" or "related publications" but which would benefit from being explicitly mentioned given their potential importance.
They might not be relevant in every scenario, but as well as the statements and speeches about what the government says it is doing, policy pages should also include the datasets which might provide some kind of evidence about what it is actually achieving.
Given that some of the most significant policies (those in the departmental business plans at least) have targets or intended outcomes associated with them, and deadlines, it should be possible to pull out the data from the information strategies which is being used as an indicator for delivery success.
Progress on each of the business plan objectives is already being tracked in monthly updates, but more could be made of this information than is currently the case.
Some data visualisations of this information might also be a massive step forward for visibility and accountability, certainly on the headline commitments if not on every last detailed policy.
Further down the road, gov.uk could also go further on some of the other open data that's out there and relate spending figures to policies so everyone can see how much a policy costs.
Another significant step would be to publicly assign the policy to people or bodies in the departmental organograms which are available now, so it is also clear who is responsible for it.
Adding in this kind of information (gov.uk might be planning some of this already for all I know) - and making it available for re-use and publication anywhere else - could significantly transform the quality of information available to citizens about what their government is both trying to do and actually delivering.
© eDemocracyblog.com 2012. | Permalink | No comment |
I normally give myself a day off on Fridays, since there isn't normally much in the way of polling, but I've just noticed a YouGov Welsh poll from last night. Topline voting intention figures for Westminster and the Welsh assembly are as below.
Westminster Voting intention: CON 25%, LAB 50%, LDEM 6%, PC 11%, Others 9%
Assembly consituency vote: CON 20%, LAB 49%, LDEM 7%, PC 17%, Others 7%
Assembly regional vote: CON 20%, LAB 45%, LDEM 7%, PC 15%, Others 13%
Ed is a formidable campaigner - fighting the 'unwinnable' Kingston and Surbiton seat in 1997 - with no central help and a 15,000 Tory majority. The selection for the Tory nomination (between Richard Tracey and Norman Lamont) was seen by the media as the decisive contest. In the end Ed won by just 56 votes, but carried on campaigning so just four years later romped home with a majority of more than 15,000.
He has been regarded as one of the most able ministers - piloting through a deal that has delivered a long term future for post offices and ending once and for all the post office closure programmes of the last two governments. He has also equalised parental leave so that new parents can choose how to take their statutory time off between them.
In February 1997 - he was tipped by the Independent as a future cabinet minister in 2020 - saying:
...Davey became politically active as a student "discussing the minutiae of energy conservation and green economics" and conservationism is his big issue. He believes citizens should be viewed as "custodians of the environment and not just consumers".
He has made it with eight years to spare to a post he is eminently qualified for.
03-Feb-12
Dafydd, Elin, Leanne and Simon are already showing buckets more vision than Captain Carwyn can muster, so it is crucial that whoever wins the contest has a party fit for purpose to offer a radical and exciting alternative - to a worryingly stale Labour party. This is why the recently published review is so important, and all its 95 recommendations.
There is a genuine momentum being created within the party this Winter, starting with a membership surge, a lively and exciting leadership contest and a Local Government election thrown in to spice things up a little more. Plaid is preparing to re-construct itself at all levels for the new Wales that will come out of the current UK constitutional dalliances and the party in Wales that adapts first, will gain most. Perhaps there was some truth in the comment that Plaid was the slowest party to adjust to devolution but with the new structural changes taking place, we do not intend to make that mistake again.
Malév Hungarian Airlines Airlines are folding rather like card houses on a rickety card table. Now its the turn of Malev, Hungary's national airline. Depending on what the Hungarian government does or does not do, this is still a case of less competition in the airline business. It would appear that the debts are far too big for a rescue. Tonight, the website of Malev says, "Dear Passengers, concerning your travel, we suggest that you ask other airlines about their offers or, if possible, you choose an alternative method of transport". That's how it is these days. Planes get grounded, passengers get stranded.
I see that Ryanair has had the foresight to start a service from Birmingham to Budapest. Starts 28th March. Ryanair will be flying anywhere and everywhere soon. Cattle class only. I'm watching Pan Am on the BBC. Those were the days! I remember as a teenager wondering what it would be like to fly like that. Never did. By the time I got in the air, everything was heading south. However, I've had the opportunity of flying business class with Delta and KLM in the Eighties. It was still something to be reckoned with then. Now everyone is cutting costs so much it's a miracle they get the planes going anywhere. Unless the airline is Ryanair. It's a sort of KwikSave of the airline industry. I hope there are no more airlines to add to the history books.
While the EDL are stomping around Leicester tomorrow, their bastard offspring the "Infidels" will be in Rochdale to in the eloquent words of their most literate (and deranged) member, "drive dem Pakis in2 d sea" (sic, sic, sic and yes, sick!)
We are of course being reminded constantly that snow is forecast for across the country tomorrow. Here at the HNH weather centre we reckon most of the "snow" in Leicester and Rochdale will most likely be consumed off mirrors and toilet seats by the competing gangs of drug dealers, crack-heads racists, weirdos, speed-freaks, narks and police informers that make up both of these rival gangs.
Of course, there is a competition between the two gangs as to not just who is the most lumpen, but as to who can get the most people at their demonstration.
Tin-Pot Tommy's EDL were just about shading it with their proposed march through Leicester until a Nazi big gun stepped up to the plate for the Infidels.
Not many of you will be aware of who David Jones is. He is a member of a tiny political sect called the British People's Party (BPP) whose main activity other than excessive consumption of Bostick, has been churning out paedophile Nazis who want to blow stuff up.
Jones has a reputation as a bit of a "village idiot" in the village of Todmorden, West Yorkshire from where he hardly ever ventures. As well as constantly putting out leaflets in the village warning that the local phone box could be turned into a Mosque, he also likes to trawl from pub to pub in long black rain coats trying to look like his hero George Lincoln Rockwell.
Well, it's off to Rochdale for Dave tomorrow. He's also bringing all of his friends with him. He's off the fence on this one almost as much as he is off the planet most of the time.
So, hats off to Dave and the BPP. Their tiny size could of course be the reason why Dave is actually and more truthfully always trying to save that village phone box. It's a bold move.
Keep your eyes peeled fashion watchers. Here's a few pics of Dave in action...
That's the list as approved by Cabinet last month. Barely comprehensible.
So, for clarity, here's a map - and a reshuffled list - showing which Neighbourhood Partnerships are being told to decide which of their green spaces to sell - and how many are on the hit-list in each. Where there's no number, of course, there's nothing to be sold.
The whole unsustainable strategy of financing the parks by selling parkland was based on the illusion that this would be 'fair', helping all parts of Bristol achieve a common standard of access to parkland amenities. Wealth redistribution in action - a rare thing from any Con-Dem administration. But the map shows that with the parks, a loss of assets in poorer parts of the city will provide more in the wealthier wards. (OK, it's a generalisation, but it's broadly true).
That's what the outer Neighbourhood Partnerships are being asked to approve. And the more they sell, the more open space they lose, and the more receipts go into the central pot.
........................
Here's the full list, by NP
Avonmouth & Kingsweston (NP01):
Land at rear of Merrimans Drive
Longcross Woodland
Moorend Gardens
Portway Tip (Daisyfield)
Moorgrove
Napier Square Park
Cook Street Open Space
Henacre Open Space
Henbury & Southmead (NP02)
Crow Lane Open Space
Arnal Drive Open Space
Arnal Drive Open Space North
Elderberry Walk
Brentry Hill
Tranmere Road
Fonthill Park
Trym Valley
Horfield & Lockleaze (NP04)
Muller Road Rec/Downend Park Farm
Lockleaze Open Space
Dovercourt Road Open Space
Greater Fishponds Area - Eastville, Hillfields & Frome Vale (NP05)
Small land, Snowdon Road Open Space
Bracey Drive Open Space
Gill Avenue
Delebare Avenue
Duchess Road Open Space
St George East & West (NP09)
Plummers Hill Open Space
Terrell Gardens
Furber Road
Gladstone Street
Filwood, Knowle & Windmill Hill (NP11)
Bath Road (3 Lamps)
Salcombe Road
Brislington Community Partnership (NP12)
Broomhill Road/Emery Road
Newbridge Road Open Space
Belroyal Avenue
Bonville Road Open Space
Broomhill Park
Allison Avenue
Dundry View - Bishopsworth, Hartcliffe & Whitchurch Park (NP13)
Sherrin Way (Billand Close)
North Valley Walk
South Valley Walk
Huntingham Road/Keble Avenue (Four Acres?)
Withywood Park (Paybridge Road)
Willmott Park North
Willmott Park South
Hengrove & Stockwood (NP14)
Sturminster Close
Hazelbury Road Open Space
Craydon Road Triangle
Burnbush Close
Ladman Road Bus Terminus
Gillebank Close
Ladman Road/Bagnall Road
Maple Close
There's more about each site among the draft Area Green Space Plans and (most of them) in this FoI disclosure
Imagine a door-to-door salesman comes to your house one day to try and sell you a burglar alarm by telling you about the terribly high crime rate is in your area. You're not convinced, so you tell him you don't want one. A little while later that same salesman breaks into your house, nicks the TV and does a crap on the sofa.
Now replace "door-to-door salesman" with "David Cameron", "your house" with "France" and "burglar alarm" with "financial transactions tax", and you've pretty much summed up our government's attitude to attempts to rein in the forces of global finance.
This was Cameron speaking a few months ago (bolded text my emphasis):
The danger, we have always believed, is driving transactions to a jurisdiction where it wouldn't be applied. So a global tax would be a good thing, but in Britain also we have put in place stamp duty on share transactions, a bank levy.
...and this was him this week:
Boris Johnson and David Cameron today urged French bankers to quit Paris and move to London in a dramatic escalation of a row with the French president.
The Mayor joined the Prime Minister in calling for traders to escape Nicolas Sarkozy's plans for a financial tax by setting up business in the Square Mile.
Mr Johnson said: "Bienvenue à Londres. This is the global capital of finance. It's on your doorstep and if your own president does not want the jobs, the opportunities and the economic growth that you generate, we do."
So, in November you have Cameron telling us that of course a tax on bank transactions is a lovely fluffy idea, which we'd be only too happy to implement if only we could, but you see it just isn't possible because all those nasty banks would move their operations abroad if we did that, and we don't want that, do we? Then this week, he explicitly invites those very same nasty banks to move from France to the UK so they don't have to pay the transactions tax which Sarkozy is threatening to bring in.
Cameron, in short, is explicitly trying to bring about the very thing which he previously said would make a transaction tax untenable, despite ostensibly supporting such a tax in principle. Which, perhaps not surprisingly, suggests rather strongly that his original commitment to it was somewhat less than whole-hearted. Whether this also applies to Cameron and the Conservatives' attitude to other redistributive taxes is something about which I leave the reader to draw their own conclusions.
I have never been an enthusiast for conducting politics in this slightly paranoid language. That distaste is one of the many reasons I have never been attracted to the Labour Party. It reminds me of poor old Michael Foot waving his arms and talking about treason.
Nor do I have any sense that the ambitions of those using such language in the Lib Dems this week do so from an ideological position that goes much beyond leaving things much as Labour left them. Surely, after 90 years out of power, we should have something more to say on health than "Andy Burnham got it about right"?
But then I have long argued that a lack of ideology is the weakness of the Liberal Democrats. When asked what we stand for we tend to talk about individual liberty, but we have tended to combine that with a fear of going against the sort of policies that receive warm words from Guardian editorials. It is now wonder that proves an awkward combination when it is put under pressure.
I also think that some in the party have adopted an almost Bennite view of the political process. You win a majority for your programme within the party, the party wins an election and then implements every last dot and comma of that programme.
But as anyone who has been a local councillor - in fact anyone who has worked in an organisation of any size knows - politics is not like that. You are constantly buffeted by unforeseen events and you have to win support for your policies from far beyond the party even if you have a majority in the Commons. And that is a thousand times more true if you are the junior partner in a coalition.
You could say the party has its values to fall back on, but I am not convinced that talk of balancing liberty, equality and community quite cuts it. Surely everyone wants to balance those elements? It's just that they would all strike the balance in a different place. But then I was around in the old Liberal Party, so the preamble to the Liberal Democrat constitution has always sounded to me like the compromise it was rather than a clarion call.
Anyway, it the midst of this week's dramas Gareth Epps' headline Ed Davey is not fit to be a Cabinet minister almost counts as moderation. I don't share that few, though like Gareth I was hugely unimpressed by Ed's handling of the widespread concern about the pub trade. And, like Gareth, I would much rather have seen Norman Lamb promoted to the cabinet.
But then I have always been a little unimpressed by Ed Davey. I know many people who are great Davey supporters: in the past they have even talked of him as a future party leader. It's just that, going right back to his days as Lib Dem education spokesman, I have never seen much product from all this promise.
Let's hope he can surprise me in his new role as Energy Secretary. Come on Davey light my fire.
Transcript of my London #Compass 'Progressive Alliance' talk,
Jan. 10 2012
Thanks, everyone, for coming—it's a pleasure to be here.
So, my report on 'guardians for future generations' been creating a bit of a stir. By the way: If you want to get the report for free it's now available, for download, from the Greenhouse website, which is easy to find. (If you Google Green House now, we come up first rather than greenhouse adverts, so that's good...)
One of the stirs has been in the Guardian. The comments closed last night at 325, so there's clearly a lively and interesting debate there. So: what's it all about?
Well, I've got a proposal to end, or at least to seek to start to end, the chronic culture of short-termism that we have in our politics, in our electoral cycles, and in our business and economics—with business cycles and quarterly reports and even more short-termist things than that. And when one is trying to think on a timescale of hundreds of years or thousands of years or hundreds of thousands of years, for example, which is the timescale for nuclear waste, then those kind of short-term cycles don't make a lot of sense. So what are we, collectively, going to do about it?
Well, before I say what I am proposing to do about it, here's one more way of seeing the problem, that I think really helps: the concept of democracy is one of my starting points. What does 'democracy' mean? So, etymologically, democracy means 'the people rule' or 'the people govern'. Now I'm sure all those who take themselves as any kind whatsoever of progressive would agree that at the present time it's pretty inaccurate to say -- in any very meaningful, or full, sense -- that the people govern in our society. So: we don't even have AV, let alone PR; we're still waiting for the upper house to be democratically reformed; beyond those reforms, we need also participatory democracy, many of us would say economic democracy, and a serious re-localisation. There are vast, vast changes in our society which are needed if there is going to be a real democracy here. But even if all those changes occured we would still be in a society which ran the risk of being chronically short-termist. Why? Well, the way I like to put this is that the democratic institutions that we have at the moment, even the laws that would be brought in if we made all those kinds of democratic changes that I've mentioned that we would all, I'm sure, like to see, tend to still be focused upon the interests and wishes of present people, people who are alive today. They are the people who vote—and whose votes alone would count even in an improved and enhanced democracy.
But a people, I want to suggest to you, is not something that exists as a time-slice; a people is something that exists over time. It begins in the past and goes on indefinitely far into the future.
And while people in the past are hard to harm, because they've had their time, people in the future are extremely easy to harm and indeed, in the extreme, to prevent from existing at all. Whereas if we get things right, people in the future could have the chance to have a great existence and to go on indefinitely longer into the future having that existence. So I want to say that we need to find a way of making democracy actually include future people. We need to find a way of representing them in our political system.
So, what would this mean? Can you give future people a vote? Well, obviously, that's not very feasible. So we need to find some form of, if you like, proxy representation for them. They need to have something like a proxy vote, I'm suggesting.
Well, as I said, if we don't screw up so badly that we stop them from existing altogether, over time there will be far more future people than there are present people, which would mean in a democracy that they would out-vote us every time, right? They would be the vast majority. So, in order to express their proxy 'vote', I suggest that what we need to give them is a proxy veto. Because: If they did vote on masse together, they would, as I say, massively out-vote us, provided we don't screw things up so badly that we stop them from having the chance of living at all... So I want to suggest that we need proxy representatives for future people empowered in and by our political system to veto things that we might want to do but that they don't want us to do. And the people who are going to be these proxies I'm calling Guardians for Future Generations, guardians to represent the interests of these future people to us.
So, who should these guardians be? How should they be selected? Well it doesn't make any sense for us to vote for them, because they are proxies for future people—they're there to express the votes that future people would cast if they could cast those votes.
I suggest that actually all of us and none of us are equally well positioned to be these proxy representatives for future people. We could say, Greens are the best place to represent future people, but that would be begging the question: "I'd like you to give me and my friends the power to veto all decisions made in our political system." Hmmm… Not very convincing… It would never ever get through: it would be perceived as a cheat—it would be perceived, correctly, as utterly undemocratic. We need, plainly, to draw these proxy representatives from across the entire population. I suggest that the only fair, reasonable and democratic way of doing this is through the same principle that animates the jury system: which is random selection. Such that anyone and everyone has an equal chance to be one of the guardians for future people. So what I'm suggesting can be put in this way: that we need a super-jury drawn from any and all of us to represent to us the interests of future people and to represent those/them by having a proxy power that enables them to veto decisions (that would affect future people adversely) that are made in our current political system.
And that line of thinking really gives you exactly what my proposal is—I'm proposing guardians for future people, guardians for the fundamental interests -- for the basic needs -- of future generations, to be selected at random, as jurors are, to form a super-jury, which would sit above our
Ed Miliband MP, Leader of the Opposition and Leader of the Labour Party, said today in a speech at the Thomson Reuters Building:
This has been a turbulent week for the British banking industry.
On Sunday, Stephen Hester gave back his bonus, and on Tuesday, the forfeiture committee revoked Fred Goodwin's knighthood.
But these moments do really not change anything in themselves.
This is about more than one man, one bonus, or one knighthood.
These are symbols - and symptoms – of public discontent with a system that is not working as it should.
For our economy.
And for our society.
That is why these moments do not and should not signal the end of the debate.
Because, three years on from the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the debate is really only just beginning.
We need a banking system that serves a more responsible capitalism, working for the majority of people and enabling us to pay our way in the world.
Everyone can agree that the kind of tug-of-war we have seen in the past fortnight over bonuses is bad for the reputation of the banking sector.
Nobody in this country – neither the banks' most staunch defenders nor their most outspoken critics – believe that a public argument between executives, shareholders, politicians and the public is the best way for any sector to set pay.
London is one of the world's great financial centres and Britain's banking sector is one of our most important employers.
It is in all our interests to find a better way forward.
But if things carry on as they are, I believe the same row over pay and bonuses will erupt again.
So how do we make sure that that does not happen?
We need to learn the most important lesson of the week: we cannot have a banking sector so divorced from the rest of the economy and the rest of society.
We succeed or fail together.
It is not about the politics of envy.
It is about a culture of responsibility.
We need what you might call ‘one nation banking'.
We need banks that serve the real economy.
We need banking serving every region, every sector, every business, every family in this country.
And we need banks run in a way that people believe are consistent with their values - the values of Britain.
It is something I have been talking about for months: responsibility – from the benefits office to the boardroom.
But to understand how we get there, we must understand how we got here.
On almost any measure you choose, banking and finance is going through exceptional times.
Everywhere you look, pillars of the conventional wisdom which have stood solidly for thirty-odd years are crashing to the ground.
Until 2007, it was hard to imagine that: light touch financial regulation would be so thoroughly discredited; financial instruments designed to make each bank safer would make the banking system as a whole riskier; we would be facing interest rates lower than we have seen for decades without lending rising as a result; bank bonuses could be in the billions even as banks' share price fell; all the banks in this country would be backed by an implicit government guarantee; and two of the biggest would be largely owned by the Government.
We all know this has happened because something has gone deeply wrong.
My party has accepted responsibility, along with governments round the world, for not doing more to prevent the crisis with regulation.
We now must ask questions about the future of banking which have not been asked for a generation.
The banking sector can choose either to continue down the path which led us to big bonuses, busts, and bailouts.
Or it can take a different path.
Today, I want to talk about that different path.
Banking has to change.
Throughout most of our parents and grandparents' lives, banking was not prone to wild swings in value.
It directed lending towards businesses and entrepreneurs efficiently and soberly.
And the idea of a vote in the House of Commons to affect the pay of an individual banker would have been as outlandish as the idea of a vote to censure the pay of an individual doctor or lawyer.
Thirty years ago, the word ‘banker' was often used as a compliment to suggest solidity and reassurance.
Since then, however, the sector morphed from something our parents and grandparents would have recognized into something else, with the rise and increasing dominance of investment banks.
We can't turn back the clock.
This mustn't be about recreating a bygone era of banking.
But if the rules and norms of banking have changed before, they can change again.
And they must change.
After the crisis and the bailout, we are left in a situation which nobody would have wanted.
Where thanks to the crisis, ten per cent of this country's tax receipts fell away between 2007 and 2008 alone.
Banks have accepted they bear the burden of responsibility for helping to cause the crisis.
The consequences of their reckless irresponsibility in that era are felt every time a library closes.
Every time a school can't afford a new book.
And every time a policeman or policewoman is taken off the beat.
Those consequences are being felt by everyone in society.
The banking sector needs to understand this.
People who did not cause the financial crisis are paying the price.
And many feel that those who did cause the financial crisis are not.
When most people see their incomes stagnate, their bills go up, their public services cut, and their jobs increasingly become insecure, pay and bonuses at banks seem to carry on as if the crisis never happened.
The public services we rely on to educate our kids, look after us when we are ill, or help us afford a lawyer if we're in trouble, cannot go back to normal any time soon.
So when people see the pay of those who caused the crisis continuing to be so abnormal, they are understandably angry.
This is a call for banking to recognise that continuing on its current path will lead to further isolation from society, greater public anger, more years in which each payday is a newspaper headline.
This is a call on banking to recognise that it should take the path of change.
To recognise that it is not isolated from the economy or society.
To recognise that we succeed or fail together.
We have a proud history of banking in this country.
Banking has performed an invaluable service to the economy from Midland Bank's role restructuring the cotton industry in the 1930s, to Barclays' role in financing high tech start-ups in Cambridge in the seventies and eighties,
And since the crisis, we have seen some welcome steps.
Notably, the Independent Banking Commission's recommendations about the ring fencing of retail and investment banking.
And more recently, the way HSBC, Barclays, Lloyds, RBS and Standard Chartered have put up £2.5 billion for a business growth fund focused on British firms.
But there is still a long way to go before we achieve one nation banking.
Public discontent is, if anything, on the rise – as the long lasting impact of the crisis in living standards becomes clear.
For all the reform of the way bonuses are paid, they remain on a scale beyond the imagination of the vast majority of the population.
Although the Government has welcomed the Vickers proposals, their implementation remains a distant prospect.
And most importantly, business frustration with the banks they rely on is as high as ever.
Still, too often, they see the bank, not as a partner in a shared project, but as a problem to be overcome.
I saw this only on Monday in Scotland when a wind turbine manufacturer complained that while he had employed 20 people in his factory it could have been 30 if only he had got the loan he needed from a leading British bank.
Similar stories can be heard from thousands of other businesses around the country.
Banks must not be isolated from the rest of the economy.
Banks must lend to small businesses so we can get the growth and jobs we need for the future.
That is how Britain will compete in the world.
As things stand, that is still not happening enough.
Lending was down £10.8 billion last year.
There are two reasons why not enough capital currently reaches the small and medium sized enterprises in this country which are crying out for it.
The first is that it's always hardest to get credit when the economy is in a downturn, even though that's when small and medium-sized firms need finance the most.
And the second is that it is cheaper for banks to lend to big companies than small ones. Particularly when credit is already being rationed, lending to small firms is often deemed not worthwhile for banks.
The market on its own does not work for small businesses.
All the most successful economies around the world recognise this: from Asian capitalist states like Singapore, through active industrial states like Germany, to supposedly free market states like the USA.
And they make sure that the state helps finance to reach the small and medium sized enterprises which need it.
This isn't about picking winners.
It is about the state getting the market moving, like our most successful competitors have been doing since the fifties.
It's no coincidence that in Britain we haven't done as much to develop a Mittelstand like Germany.
Or fast-growing young companies like Apple and Intel – both of which got growth funding from the US government's Small Business Investmen
Edward Davey MP has today been appointed Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change.
Arriving at DECC's headquarters in London, Mr Davey said:
"This is a sad day because Chris Huhne has had a real vision for a green economy and he's done fabulous work as Secretary of State.
"I've now got to take up the challenges – the challenge of climate change, the challenge of energy security.
"And I'm particularly conscious of the impact on households across the country of high energy bills.
"I'm determined to work to follow on Chris's priorities, the Coalition's priorities and to make them my priorities.
"I want us to have a green economy, with the green jobs and investment we need to help grow our economy."
I was appalled to hear that Labour have been lying to us about what they would do to tackle the economic mess the Coalition Government inherited from Blair and Brown.
The almost comic duo of Ed Miliband and Ed Balls have let the mask slip and made clear that they have no Plan B on the economy.
For the last year and a half, local Labour activists have been pushing leaflets through your letterboxes which have now been exposed as lies. They have made clear they are not going to reverse any of the cuts the Coalition Government has been forced to make to restore economic stability.
This is the worst kind of politics: creating confusion by campaigning against policies which they have no intention of doing anything about in Government. They have gone from being in the wrong place, to all over the place.
It is time the local Labour party came clean themselves, apologise for the economic mess they left behind by letting the banks run wild and losing control of the nation's finances. They need to explain what they would do in Government."
Liberal Democrat Party President, Tim Farron said:
"This admission by the Eds leaves the Liberal Democrats as the only political party with the backbone to tackle the country's problems, but with the heart to do everything to ensure that fairness, compassion and justice are written through everything we do.
"In the Coalition Government, Liberal Democrats are the party delivering tax cuts for working people, we are the party investing in the poorest school pupils, we are the party delivering the largest ever state pension rise and most importantly, we are the party prepared to take the tough decisions needed to get this country back on track.
"Don't hold your breath waiting for an apology from Labour - but rest assured Liberal Democrats will continue to do the right thing on your behalf."
ENDS
Notes to Readers:
1. On BBC Radio 4's The World at One, Ed Balls said: "As shadow chancellor, I can say to you unequivocally we can make no commitment to reverse any of the Government's tax rises or spending cuts."
2. In an interview with the Guardian on 13 January, Ed Balls said: "My starting point is, I am afraid, we are going to have keep all these cuts. There is a big squeeze happening on budgets across the piece. (...) We are going to have to start from that being the baseline. At this stage, we can make no commitments to reverse any of that, on spending or on tax. So I am being absolutely clear about that."
Ed Balls continued: "It is now inevitable that public sector pay restraint will have to continue through this parliament. Labour cannot duck that reality and won't. There is no way we should be arguing for higher pay when the choice is between higher pay and bringing unemployment down."
3. Interviewed on the BBC's Andrew Marr Show Ed Miliband supported Ed Balls: "If I were to come on your programme and say well take the cuts, some of the cuts that are being made, I can promise you now that I would restore them, you'd say, 'Well where's the money going to come from? You don't know the circumstances you're going to inherit.' Ed was making an important point."
He went on to say that "This is responsible, this is absolutely responsible opposition."
It is likely that a number of our cities will, by Government diktat, be holding referendums in May as to whether to move to a mayoral system. Some of these will give the go-ahead and Liverpool is anyway likely to jump straight to a mayoral system by use of a council resolution. The mayoral contests will be on the same day as those for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs).
There are still some who, in relation to PCCs, are fondly imagining that Liberal Democrat candidates won't be needed. This is despite the fact that it abundantly clear that the Conservative and Labour parties will be contesting these elections and despite the go ahead from the Federal Executive, overturning the English Party's efforts to prohibit Lib Dem candidates.
The announcement of key mayoral contests makes abstentionism even more bizarre, but no doubt there will be some jungle fighters out there still in denial about whether a political party should contest political elections.
By Christmas massive budgets for policing and city services will, like it or not, be in the hands of single individuals, only loosely scrutinised by councillors. There is a danger that the Party may have made itself irrelevant not only failing to field candidates in some parts of the country but by having policies which are now dangerously out of date.
We know that we are opposed to elected mayors and PCCs. We should perhaps remain so. But we need to ask ourselves why we are opposed and what this means for the growing numbers of directly elected politicians.
Key questions now need to be asked:
- how do we ensure that power is not concentrated to such a degree that corruption becomes possible?
- how do we have democratically justifiable mechanisms for removing powers from those who misuse it or just fail?
- how do we make sure that minority parties get a reasonable voice?
- In what ways should we press for the strengthening of the astonishingly limited powers of Policing Panels to challenge the decisions of a PCC?
- Should we insist that a Mayor's Cabinet should be cross-party?
Meanwhile, what about the shires? The Government has done good work in preparing the devolution of important powers to cities and city regions.
But why should a county council, which might have a population of well over a million, not have similar powers? If that is the case is not time that we pressed for the first county mayors (or should we call them 'sheriffs?').
And in two tier areas how are district councils going to fit in? Do we still believe unitary authorities are preferable to the two-tier system when the most recent creations have seemed huge and remote? Does the city region model offer an alternative?
This may not seem to come up much on the doorstep. But it is a live agenda on which we need to provide new thinking.
* Chris White is Liberal Democrat Group leader at Hertfordshire County Council and Deputy Leader (Policy) of the Liberal Democrat Group at the Local Government Association
Deputy Prime Minister gave a wide-ranging interview to The House magazine, in which he discusses how it's right for the two coalition parties to differentiate themselves once a stable government was formed:
In the run-up to the general election, you may remember, the tabloids were screaming, saying that if there was a hung Parliament locusts would descend from the sky and the sun would be blotted out, you know... so we needed for those first few months to show the most important thing of all, which is this is a government that works, and actually works rather well.
Of course, after that phase you then get [that] we're different parties, we do have different instincts, we do have different values. I just think we are quite relaxed in government that we have our differences - sometimes they are played out in private, sometimes they are played out in public.
Nick goes on to discuss what he sees as significant achievements for the party in government, and, in a telling line, describes the difficulty Lib Dem peers face in supporting legislation they wouldn't under different circumstances:
Let's be blunt: I am asking, day in, day out, Liberal Democrat peers to vote on things that they wouldn't do in a month of Sundays if it was a Liberal Democrat government.
The interview covers such ground as reform of the upper house, Nick's stance on the Middle East and changes to the tax system.
You can read the whole interview here.
Because other ways of understanding mental illness are possible, and I have come across a particularly interesting one in my day job.
The clinical psychologist Caroline Cuppitt writes about Charles Dickens' view of the topic and the character of Mr Dick in David Copperfield in particular:
There is no suggestion that Mr Dick should be cured of his unusual ideas; indeed, they are never directly challenged by anyone. At first the young David finds them hard to accept, but as Mr Dick proves his worth and, most importantly, finds his place within his community, they become increasingly irrelevant.
Indeed, it is even suggested that he is able to bring about a reconciliation between Dr and Mrs Strong that someone with a more conventional mind would find impossible. As Mr Dick puts it himself: "a poor simple fellow with a craze, sir … may do what wonderful people may not do."
By the end of the novel Mr Dick has recovered, not in the sense that his 'symptoms' have changed, but that they no longer define him. Miss Trotwood tells David that by using the strategy of copying documents Mr Dick can keep King Charles at a respectful distance and live his life free and happy. He is one of the novel's heroes and an exemplar of recovery for the modern age.The bicentenary of Dickens' birth falls on Tuesday 7 February. He was a remarkable man.
Your humble Devil is now of the opinion that we should adopt something similar to the USA's "three strikes" rule. It would go a little like this:
- Three convictions for any unexpended crime automatically means prison.
- Three custodial convictions--suspended or otherwise--means life imprisonment. By which I mean that you will be eligible for parole after 25 years, but released on licence for the rest of your life: another conviction puts you straight back in the cells.
Any objections?
Chris Huhne is the high priest of nasty the nasty cult of Lib Demery.
So the cheer from the whole country when he was charged with lying is still echoing around the drinking holes of Westminster.
All cheer but one - Nick Clegg.
Cleggy hates Huhne, but is scared witless by him. Hence we have more L:ib Dem hypocrisy as Clegg claims he can't wait to get Huhne back in the cabinet. ( Maybe Clegg should do 5 years for that porkie himself ).
This is just going to get better and better - for all those who aren't paid up members of the Janus Party.







